The red barons have a huge fortune
Your people, the red barons, will also receive support. I do not make a decision based on who has what color, because the economy cannot be built on a party basis. Anyone who arrives with a meaningful development program will receive support - Viktor Orbán responded to László Szakács' question about the Kisfaludy program in the immediate question hour on Monday.
Although the prime minister did not specify exactly who the red barons were, the Origo gathered, among other things, who he could think of. There are also those on the list who don’t have businesses, so they don’t apply for grants either, but they have huge fortunes, which in many cases were acquired under disputed circumstances.
The CEO-owner of the Central Media Group caused a huge scandal in just weeks, when it turned out that he and his co-owners took out one and a half billion forints in dividends from Central Media, which also owned 24.hu, while reducing its employees' salaries citing the coronavirus epidemic.
Felcsuti is the former president of the Hungarian Banking Association. He was the CEO of Raiffeisen Bank from 2007 to 2010, one of the inventors of the Hungarian foreign currency lending that pushed many Hungarians into debt. He regularly criticized all measures aimed at bearing the burden on banks. Prior to the change of regime, he was involved in the country's indebtedness, being one of the inventors and drivers of foreign currency lending in the 2000s (thereby seeking to improve Raiffeisen Bank's position vis-à-vis market leader OTP). Felcsuti also tried to capitalize on his influence in financial circles and his wealth as a banker in politics: he was one of the founders of the Gordon Bajnai Together, which he supported with a considerable sum. Prior to the change of regime, the MNB participated in the management of borrowing (and thus in the indebtedness of the country). He was a committed communist, even joining the Labor Guard.
The estimated assets of the founding co-owner of the Futureal Group, the President of the National Association of Employers and Industrialists (MGYOSZ), are currently HUF 97.1 billion, placing them in 11th place in Forbes' 2019 publication entitled "50 Richest Hungarians". He was previously his partner (together with Viktor Nyíri) in the former company of the former Minister of Economy, close to SZDSZ, Csaba Kákosy, Omega 99 Ingatlanforgalmazó Kft.
The entrepreneur close to the socialists was ranked 14th in this year's publication "100 Richest Hungarians" with an estimated 86 billion in wealth. During the left-wing governments, he intervened thoroughly in politics: many suspected him behind the appearance of Miklós Hagyó and some suspicious BKV transactions. Kata Tüttő, one of Gergely Karácsony's deputies, was his partner for a long time. He currently owns the radical left-wing daily Népszava with one of his companies, Proton Trade Zrt. One of the most well-known corruption cases of the Gyurcsány era is also connected to his name: he bought it without a public procurement procedure, very cheaply from the left-wing XI. the Kopaszi Dam from the district municipality. In the case, Gyula Molnár, the then left-wing mayor, was sentenced in the second instance to 8 months in prison (he was finally acquitted on the grounds of lack of evidence by the Curia).
Gordon Bajnai, the finance minister, has also amassed significant wealth from his companies. He did not break with politics after the change of government in 2010: his name can be found among the founders of the Home and Progress Association, backed by Bajnai and George Soros. He later briefed his former supervisor on Together's economic policy program. Although the project was not successful in the long run, the party ceased to exist in 2018, and Oszkó has been expressing opinions on domestic political issues since then. It is characteristic of his property that he sold one of his luxury properties, which he had built in violation of the building regulations, for 700 million forints.
The Minister of Finance Ferenc Gyurcsány is still an influential left-wing public figure. His political career began before the change of regime, when he became the economic policy secretary of the Nyírbátor city committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP). After the fall of Péter Medgyessy, the socialist politician took a government position: he appointed him the chief of staff of the new prime minister, Ferenc Gyurcsány, from where he inherited the ministerial seat of Tibor Draskovics. Despite his ugly fall, he still tells his views on public issues. In April, for example, he spoke in a television interview that a coronavirus epidemic could lead to a complete economic collapse in Hungary. His assets were acquired, among other things, through an offshore company registered in a Swiss tax haven, which was represented before the authorities by a stroma. When he was called an offshore knight in the press for this, Veres sued but lost.
The career of the former MSZP treasurer, the number one economic background man and member of parliament began well before the change of regime, when he joined the MSZMP in 1980. From 1994 to 2014, he was a member of the National Assembly, acting as the gray eminence of the Socialist Party faction. In addition to party politics, he also took part in the work of the left-wing government: first he was appointed Secretary of State in the Ministry of Economy and Transport, and immediately then in the Ministry of Transport, Communications and Energy. During his years in the political elite, not only his political, but also his media and economic influence grew: he owned Népszava for years, which he then passed on to Tamás Leisztinger, and with his companies he gained a lot of public money during the MSZP-SZDSZ governments. He has amassed an amazing fortune, which nothing shows better than running a luxury yacht worth HUF 80 million with his wife and children.
András Kupper's businessman used to own the Centrum parking service provider, whose 23 managers were prosecuted. The Centrum Empire was involved in parking fraud in several districts. Although Kupper seemed to be on the parking lot for a long time, it didn’t. Most recently, Csaba Horváth, the socialist mayor of Zugló, wanted to buy parking meters from them, but as a result of the scandal, he seemed forced to back down. However, the news arrived a few months later: the mayor of the MSZP bought parking meters from Kupper's former company, C-Ware Kft., For HUF 278 million. Incidentally, the large contractor was convicted by the court of eighty thousand ordinary frauds in connection with a case in Zugló.
The fallen prime minister, the founder of the Home and Progress Foundation, and the founder of Together came from the business world to the world of politics. Even before the change of regime, he came into contact with Ferenc Gyurcsány, who had been one of his main confidants for a long time. As is well known, in 2009 he was just replacing the current President of the DK in the Prime Minister’s Chair. The left traveled to the United States after the fall of the 2010 election. After gaining serious overseas ties, he returned again. With the support of the Center for American Progress (CAP), which can be linked to George Soros, he founded the Home and Progress Foundation, which later grew into Together. For a long time, it seemed that Bajnai could be the candidate for prime minister of the left coalition in the 2014 parliamentary elections, and in the end, Attila Mesterházy of the MSZP was left to choose the left-wing parties. Bajnai has since stepped back from active politicking and works as one of the executives of a London-based global financial advisory firm. In recent years, he has reactivated himself: in the mayoral election, he supported Gergely Karácsony, for which he gave the new mayor an important position for several people. One of the most serious scandals after the change of regime is related to its name: due to the financial maneuvers of Wallis Zrt., Many of the goose breeders became landlords, nine of them fled to commit suicide. Most recently, it turned out that for a time he personally directed the left-wing propaganda fund, the Index.
Former President of the SZDSZ, Member of Parliament, former Minister of Economy and Transport Ferenc Gyurcsány, like Bajnai, also came from the business world. Between 2006 and 2008, as a minister, he accumulated failure: his “reform policy” brought record unpopularity, in which his announced railway reform played a significant role. It originally planned to close 27 rail wing lines, but backed down due to a national protest. In 2007, he was elected president of the SZDSZ against Gábor Fodor. Between 2007 and 2009, he was the leader of the SZDSZ parliamentary faction, and the group he led secured the majority for the election of Gordon Bajnai and the actions of the Bajnai government. He did not extend his party membership after the change of government, leaving the world of politics and found himself in the business sector.
According to the 2009 list of Forbes, the large entrepreneur is the 39th most wealthy Hungarian with assets of HUF 39.1 billion. An old player in the construction industry, he also owns the Thermal Hotel Visegrad. Danube showed up in Attila Kulcsár's brokerage scandal: a VIP-listed client was sued for embezzlement, but was later acquitted. This was not his only criminal case: in 2014, he was prosecuted against Gábor Garamszegi and a former MSZP municipal representative for money laundering and dishonesty. According to the accusation, the Concrete Road managed by them handed over HUF 1.8 billion in 2002 in two installments, as part of a sham asset management contract, to Britton Llc., Which appeared in the brokerage case, most of which was later transferred to the Danube and Garamszegi Swiss accounts.
The socialist agricultural entrepreneur studied postgraduate studies in Moscow, later TSZ president. He has been a member of the MSZMP since 1970, when he changed his regime. Member of Parliament, then Minister of Agriculture in the governments of Ferenc Gyurcsány and Gordon Bajnai. When Gyurcsány resigns, it even arises that he will be the prime minister. Several companies were members of the boards of directors and supervisory boards after the change of regime. In 2004, Invest-Group Bóly Rt., Indirectly owned by Gráf, acquired one of the most significant agricultural enterprises, Bóly Rt. Privatization caused a huge scandal because Count and his associates got the company below cost and got rich.
The former Governor of the Magyar Nemzeti Bank played a significant role in the liberalization of foreign currency lending. He began his career at the MNB before the change of regime, and enriched himself through his contacts here. In 1989, he was the CEO of Creditanstalt Securities Rt., One of the first Hungarian brokerage companies, half owned by Budapest Bank. They organized the largest Hungarian stock exchange, launched the first Hungarian bond fund and the first open-end investment fund. He later became the CEO of the owner of the brokerage firm.
In 1998, he became chairman of the Budapest Stock Exchange and then head of Deloitte's subsidiary. This was inconsistent with the position of stock market president, but resolved it with a simple promise: Deloitte will not act on behalf of its business partners. After Ferenc Gyurcsány became prime minister, he became one of his advisers. In 2007, he became Governor of the MNB. In 2009, the press noticed that 90 percent of the billionaire’s assets had disappeared from his declaration of assets - revealing that he was holding them in offshore investments in Cyprus. He then promised to sell his companies, but its fulfillment was later disputed several times.