Liberal false news propagandaists are lying and lying with lies made about Lőrinc Mészáros, while he is so rich who, in addition to employing 25,000 people, even donates regularly. In this article, we have listed 4 well-known donations, including the HUF 1 billion he was among the first to transfer for epidemiological control.
In contrast, the left-wing oligarchs, the Gyurcsány couple, did not donate a penny, quietly collected a HUF 2 billion dividend from their starving company dictated to huge dictatorships in the dictatorship, .
A billionaire prime minister from a robbery privatizer
GYURCSÁNY GET RICH ON STATE-RELATED STORES
If you are a red baron, then Ferenc Gyurcsány. The wealth of the former prime minister is a sharp observation of how the young communists gained dizzying fortunes after the regime change. Crime-bound transactions, buddies and, of course, a wife whose mother meant an entry card among the top left billionaires. An interesting refraction is that while Gyurcsány constantly mentions Fidesz oligarchs, in the last four years alone he has received a total of more than two billion forints in dividends from Altus alone.
The first pillar of Ferenc Gyurcsány's company empire is his first company, Altus Investment and Asset Management Company, which he founded on November 10, 1992. Gyurcsány founded Altus, which started with a share capital of ten million forints, on paper with an acquaintance of KISZ, he himself was a sixty-percent owner, and Attila Molnár a forty percent owner. Gyurcsány provided the initial capital to Altus from the dowry of his then wife, from the price of a family house near Pécs.
Ádám Szilas helped Gyurcsány to enter the entrepreneurial career by securing the headquarters (Szent István körút 11.), and Szilas's wife, Ilona Tatai, with her sectoral expertise acquired in late socialism - similarly to György Jagiellowicz, who later played an important role in Altus. Both Jagiellowicz and Ilona Tatai worked under the leadership of the Taurus Rubber Company. According to the book of József Debreczeni (The new Prime Minister), Attila Molnár was the stroma of Ilona Tatai in the Altus of Gyurcsány from the very beginning. According to Debreczeni, all this was necessary because the name of Ilona Tatai, who appeared as a member of the Political Committee of the Hungarian Socialist People's Party, would have sounded bad in the business world of the years after the change of regime. Initially, in the first months, the company only dealt with consulting, but later the owners turned their attention to privatization. Then, in 1994, Ilona Tatai became a member of the Board of Directors of Altus, and Györgyn Jagiellowicz became the President and CEO of Fortus Rt., Established by Altus, and in the 2000s he also managed Altus. Attila Molnár was finally bought out of Altus by Gyurcsány in 1998.
Altus in action
In December 1993, Ferenc Altus Rt. Of Gyurcsány acquired its first privatization prey, Gép- és Technológiaszerelő Rt. Gyurcsány worked in the usual way at that time: he bought 51 percent of the company, covered the deductible from a compensation ticket, and took out an existence and bank loan for this. According to Gyurcsány, the acquisition of the company eventually resulted in only a loss, so in 1995 the economic activity was terminated and the workers were laid off. Altus bought on credit again in 1994, this time with Béta-Roll Hengergumizó Kft.
A very important thing happened in Gyurcsány's life in 1994: he married Klara Dobrev.
After the wedding, events unfolded, which were obviously not independent of the fact that Dobrev's mother was the Little Piroska, who also served as Prime Minister Gyula Horn's chief of staff during this period. Altus' share capital was tripled by the company's shareholders in 1995, and the company's own assets increased sevenfold.
Gyurcsány's two much-disputed real estate cases, the purchase of real estate on Szalay Street and in Balatonőszöd, were also indirectly connected to Altus Rt., As Altus's company, Aldo Kft., Acquired the two properties in January 1994 concluding agreements with the Hungarian state, in particular with the Office of the Prime Minister representing it. It is worth recalling how the sale and purchase took place, as the details of the transaction paint a clear picture of the methods that led to Gyurcsány's enrichment.
"Once I tell you this at the club"
The 319 square meter showroom, located on the lower level of the building at Szalay utca 4, was acquired in May 1994 by one of Ferenc Gyurcsány's companies, Aldo, under a leasing contract. Aldo should have paid a total of HUF 13 million in installments, but in January 1995 it sold its purchase right to another company in Gyurcsány, Altus Rt., Which bought the property with an advance payment of HUF 11 million and then turned it into a representative club. Three months later, one of the economic companies of the chancellery, Közlöny- és Lapkiadó Kft., And from 2000 Human Jövő 2000 Kht., Repurchased it for 1.1 million forints a month, and even renovated it for about one hundred million forints.
The rent in 2003 was almost HUF 14 million, ie the rent for one year was higher than the amount for which the Office of the Prime Minister (MeH) had previously sold the property to Gyurcsány. Thus, Gyurcsány did well, but the same cannot be said about the gazette publisher, which according to the contract even had to carry out the interior design work of the club: it cost about 122 million forints. (Altus paid only ten million of this.) In addition, Altus received 28 percent of the proceeds from the operation of the Members' Club and the membership fee throughout.
Resort for free
Gyurcsány obtained the government resort of Balatonőszöd in a similar way. What made the whole deal particularly spicy was that
The Gyurcsánys leased the property for HUF 2.5 million a year, but - that they did not - the later prime minister leased the building to a state holiday company for just such an amount. This meant that the Gyurcsánys had virtually nothing to pay for the property.
Also in 1995, in November, Altus privatized the Magyaróvár Alumina Factory and Műkorund Rt. (Motim), which employs 1,400 people, and in December, the Perfekt Pénzügyi Szakoktató és Kiadó Rt. Piroska Apró, Chairman of the Board of Hitelbank Rt. (MHB), disbursed the loan to Altus for the purchase of Motim. It is a contradictory fact that while the DK has been demanding lower energy prices on the basis of need, there was no such program during Gyurcsány's rule. An exception to this was the Prime Minister's company, Motim, which, together with some other large consumers, could buy electricity at a price lower than the "in principle" lowest domestic price at an official auction, which could be considered wholesale. Meanwhile, household electricity prices doubled during the eight-year period of left-wing rule.
In 1997, Little Piroska became the Chairman of the Board of Altus. Already in the second half of the Horn government's term, Gyurcsány received a number of consulting assignments called Altus Consulting, primarily from the background institutions of the Ministry of the Environment and Regional Development, where György Szilvásy worked as Secretary of State at the time.
Fortus is on track
Let's turn back to 1995, as this year began one of the most interesting and darkest periods of Gyurcsány's company development, in which Energol Rt., Famous for Tamás Portik, appears. But let's move on from the beginning: Altus and Magyar Villamos Művek (MVM) He founded a joint venture called Fortus. The former owned 45 percent and the latter 55 percent. Altus entered the business with nine million forints in cash, and MVM, which was then advised by Piróka Apró, wanted to contribute the fuel oil reservoirs of the Dunamenti Thermal Power Plant to the company. The plan was pushed through by the State Audit Office. Incidentally, the reservoirs were established by the state a little earlier from four billion forints of public money, for which it borrowed from the Hungarian Development Bank. MVM argued that the operation of the oil storage facilities was a problem for it, so a partner had to be found for the operation. This partner became Fortus Rt.
However, the transactions here are not over yet. MVM made another generous gesture. Namely, the company's memorandum of association granted a five percent dividend and voting preference to Altus, which originally had a minority stake. It increases the number of question marks: why did MVM need a company through which it handles oil supplies for itself? Fortus reported that forty thousand tons of fuel oil were sold to power plants in 1996 alone.
László Sáska, Mol's former commercial director, has been certified for Fortus. He was later nearly executed when a businessman unknown in his car fired several shots at a man still unknown to him.
Oil business with heavy boys
What makes the events even more mysterious is the fact that the founding document of the Cypriot offshore company Dryden Enterprises Limited, which emerges as the owner of Fortus, was found during an August 1997 house search with his wife, István Dékány, one of the leaders of the oil mafia. It is a question of how Gyurcsány's sensitive company letter could have reached the people of Energolos.
As is well known, the Energol lawsuit revealed that Energol also procured serious oil shipments through Fortus. Fortus defended itself during the criminal proceedings by unknowingly participating in the transactions only through paper, fake invoices. And if we go to the Energol case again, we cannot go without saying that before the scandal broke out, on April 21, 1997, Ferenc Gyurcsány and György Jagiellowicz fled Fortus, the later prime minister resigned from the supervisory board, and the businesswoman resigned as chairman. resign. It is also a fact that Fortus had a business relationship with another large oil company, ETL Rt., Which has a background in MSZP and was known to be Energol's main supplier. The ETL supervisory board in 1996, the year of the most profitable oil derivative has been known in the Socialists' main energy expert Imre Karl and Erika Szucs, then a member of the Socialist Caucus of the country as well. Szucs currently plays Gyurcsany's party, the Democratic Coalition.
Head for the Balkans!
Returning to Altus:
the company produced a stable annual profit after tax of about one hundred million forints in the 2000s.
The company was managed by Klára Dobrev in the year of Gyurcsány's departure as prime minister, from 2009. Altus Zrt. Founded the BudaShen Sino-Hungarian trading house and established Altus-ConsAlt Kft., Which broke into international laurels: it offers and offers consulting services to Eastern and Central European governments, local governments, private interests and non-profit organizations. In November 2011, Ferenc Gyurcsány founded a company offering mobile payment solutions with János Kóka, called Cellum Bulgaria AD. In Albania, organized by Altus-ConsAlt, the Central European Investment Services Kft.
The governments of Macedonia (now northern Macedonia), Montenegro, Serbia, and Bulgaria have employed the Altus staff to effectively spend catching-up resources.
From April 2010 to the autumn of 2013, the Gyurcsány group of companies participated in almost forty Balkan projects involving the public sector.
The reference list includes mandates such as the Plovdiv Urban Development Strategy in Bulgaria or the preparation of Roma NGOs in the Western Balkans to draw on international funding. In the latter case, György Soros's Open Society Foundations commissioned Gyurcsány's consulting company.
The consortium led by Altus also won an EU public procurement of about one and a half billion forints in 2015, according to which data and studies on the cohesion policy of the EU budget period 2014-2020 will be collected. Not long after, Ferenc Gyurcsány's company was able to examine the Polish development policy for roughly 400 thousand euros, at today's exchange rate for more than 140 million forints.
By the way, Ferenc Gyurcsány has received more than two billion forints in dividends from Altus alone in the last four years. So the “success story” continues.