The Gyurcsánya talk about corruption, while they have been enriched by theft and tax evasion

Billionaires, but no donations were made at the time of the epidemic. (The 20 masks were taken by the party!)

The Gyurcsánya talk about corruption, while they have been enriched by theft and tax evasion

One of the best speeches on the subject in 2007 was given by Tibor Navracsics.
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Meanwhile, the ally of the Gyurcsánys was Jewish in the National Assembly yesterday, but they did not distance themselves from Dobrev and Gyurcsány, who led the formations that frightened the Hungarians.
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They live in a stolen villa, were involved in tax evasion and building a 60-square-foot pool while people were hit by the Bokros package, doubling the price of electricity, but giving electricity to their own company cheaper. Are they talking about corruption today?

It is the family member of the fallen prime minister who preaches fairness when there are not a single point in Gyurcsány's business past that has not been overshadowed by suspicions of corruption.

While Klára Dobrev and Ferenc Gyurcsány criticize the government for what they think are adverse economic issues, there would be more to sweep around their own houses. Figuratively and literally, because at one time they rented out their residence through their own company, the Tiny Villa, which they could thus write off from their tax.

The Democratic Coalition (DK) launched Klára Dobrev as a new face, a new candidate in the European Parliament (EP) elections in the spring of 2019. The trick came in, but the good results achieved by the DK also required a weak campaign and poor performance by the Socialists and other parties on the left. Dobrev was soon elected vice-speaker of parliament. On Tuesday, the MP pleaded with the ruling parties in the National Assembly about the inappropriate use of EU funds, but at the same time Klára Dobrev also had problems with EU funds.

Although he only made his debut as a Member in 2019, he already held a significant position under the Medgyessy government in 2002, he was Vice-President of the Office for National Development and EU Grants of the Prime Minister’s Office. Klára Dobrev was responsible for the unified monitoring and information system (EMIR), which was established for the IT management of development resources arriving in Hungary. The system was made for HUF 18 billion, but the state entered into an unfavorable contract with Welt 2000 Kft., Which developed it.

This was later revealed in an investigation in Brussels, which almost required the repayment of EU funds, but due to the intervention of the Orbán government, the money was eventually used in other programs. Klára Dobrev also had personal responsibility for the matter, as she was in charge of the EMIR agenda items at the 2003 and 2004 meetings of the Interdepartmental Committee on Development Policy and regularly addressed issues around EMIR.

The history of the Gyurcsány – Dobrev couple's residence, the villa on Szemlőhegy Street, is well known: first it was registered by the Arrow Cross during the Second World War, then in 1952, under Mátyás Rákosi. Dobrev's grandfather, Antal Apró, received the villa for his role in the conceptual lawsuit of Imre Nagy and his fellow martyrs, based on the decision of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist People's Party. The history of real estate after the change of regime is less well known:

At the age of twenty-three, Dobrev bought the villa from the district government for nine million forints. Then, in the same year, he sold the right to use the property for sixteen million forints to his family business with Ferenc Gyurcsány, Fittelina Kft.

This maneuver may have taken place due to tax optimization. The lease right was recorded at a value of HUF 16 million until 2000, on the basis of which HUF 2.6 million per year could be written off as an expense against the company's income, thus reducing the corporate tax payable. The company not only leased the property to the Gyurcsány couple, but also carried out renovations and value-adding investments. In 2003, Fittelina Kft. Was merged into the Altus owned by Ferenc Gyurcsány.

In November 1995, the company owned by Gyurcsány privatized the Magyaróvár Alumina Factory and Műkorund Rt. (Motim). The deal was established when Altus received a loan to purchase Motim, courtesy of Piroska Apró, Chairman of the Board of Magyar Kereskedelmi és Hitelbank Rt. (MHB). A 2007 scandal is also linked to Motim, as the company owned by Gyurcsány was able to buy electricity cheaper than the market price at a time when the retail price of electricity was rising sharply as a result of left-wing governance.

Ferenc Gyurcsány, as a future demiseist, was refined by the Metropolitan Council with an apartment, the first business successes are already connected with the then Prime Minister's Office.

The man whose husband doubled the electricity bills of Hungarian families spoke about corruption, but gave electricity to his factory, the "Gyurcsány Works", cheaper - István Hollik, Fidesz's communications director, responded to the parliamentary speech of Klára Dobrev. It is peculiar that a member of Gyurcsány's family, who became a billionaire from a robber privatizer, preaches about honesty, good morals, when there is not a single point in the business history of the fallen prime minister that is not overshadowed by suspicions of corruption.

In the case of Ferenc Gyurcsány, the original capital accumulation began with the fact that before the change of regime, in 1988, the President of the Metropolitan Council donated an apartment in Zugló to Demis, Vice President of KISZ. Gyurcsány, the former secretary of the KISZ Central Committee, as Vice-President of Demis, then mediated in the sale of the KISZ headquarters to the Commercial Bank in 1989, and at the same time donated Csillebérc to the Pioneer Association. László Varju, administrator, and Imre Karl, chamberlain, who later made sure that the core of the KISZ property did not remain. Gyurcsány also got a slice, Varju and he and his company, Altus, were commissioned to liquidate the Handyman with a nationwide store network.

From 1990, Gyurcsány turned to business. One of the areas of business acquisition was the Prime Minister's Office. It is no coincidence that the then state secretary, the former KISZ buddy, György Szilvásy, who served as a midwife over state resorts, served here. The secretariat was also staffed by a young lady who is currently the Vice-President of the European Parliament, the “granddaughter of the bloodthirsty Communist Minister of the Interior”, Klára Dobrev, Gyurcsány's later wife. Under such a fortunate star, the business career of the young KISZ privatizer jumped, which was initially limited to the acquisition and utilization of various state properties. One of these was in the neighborhood of the Parliament, the property on Szalay Street, which was leased by Gyurcsány in 1995, but in 2006 the prosecutor's office found that its acquisition was in good morals, but there was nothing to do, the deal was time-barred.

The other major acquisition was the property in Balatonőszöd carved out of the government resort, which was leased by the Altus subsidiary from the state in 1994, and then leased back by the state from the Gyurcsánys. According to well-proven technology in the Golden Age, for just as much as the annual rent. At the end of the term, the villa was then purchased at residual value. Gyurcsány was later reported by a lawyer from Siófok, saying that even in the banana republic, it is not possible for an incumbent prime minister to acquire state ownership. However, the report was rejected by the Attorney General's Office. Ferenc Gyurcsány got rid of the property in July 2010, but the company's balance sheet did not show how much he earned on what he got for free.


Tags: Crime  Gyurcsány